Among all the proposals that we are made everyday, there is one that seems a little attractive: "as long as the Party is not strongly settled among the masses, it would be better to abandon any propaganda about the armed struggle and stop supporting it". "The armed struggle -insist those who think in this way- has created the Party more problems than any other thing, for this reason it would be necessary to admit this".
We can very soon observe that this is not a new idea or proposal; we have heard and refuted it so many times that it is hard to believe in the innocence of its current promoters. As it is well known, we maintain that without the armed struggle that accompanies the actions of the masses it will be impossible today for the working class to assert its rights, to carry out the politic struggle and to make its voice be heard; and even less could it accumulate the forces and the experiences necessary for the overthrowing of capitalism. The armed struggle does not weaken the Party; on the contrary, it would have disappeared -we can be very sure of that- from the very moment when we had stopped supporting the guerrilla and other forms of worker and people's resistance.
In this conception, which has been described more than once as an infantile, romantic or little "practical" position, lie the strategy and the politic line of the Party; and if this is so, how is it possible to amputate this so essential part without denaturalizing our line and strategy, without reducing all our activity to the mere role of extra of the reform made directly from the power? It is completely clear that if the tendency to leave oneself fall down the slope had imposed at any time within the Party, it would have taken us to the liquidation and to the mess of the most vulgar charlatanery in which so many groups are today agonizing.
Besides, the revolutionary struggle always creates many problems and imposes sacrifices. These must be considered as necessary and unavoidable, as something inherent to the activity that a party such as ours has the duty to develop. Precisely for that we need the Party. He who does not understand this so plain truth, does not deserve that we make many efforts to explain it to him.
It is from these considerations, overcoming those problems, confronting the risks and sacrifices that the revolutionary labour brings about, how the Party will have to be reorganized and the whole of the worker and people's movement will be coordinated. And one thing or the other: either it does so in this way or it will never do it otherwise, simply because that way does not exist.